Living in a Social World
Psy 324: Advanced Social Psychology
Spring, 1998

Interactions of Race, Class, & Gender
By
William Kramer

    The recognition that social class is an experienced and constructed reality offers insights into responses to stigma. Over the years, various stigmatized groups have directly combated attempts to relegate them to a kind of secondary status within society. Certainly women, racial minorities, gays, and even those with disabilities have fought against the unjust system of devaluation which restricts opportunities, reduces their humanity, and forces them to make adjustments (Granfield, 1991). However, in regard to social class, the ideology of meritocracy serves to legitimate devaluation of the lower classes. Social class position is frequently seen as the outcome of individual talent and effort, the assignment of stigma to lower socioeconomic groups is not seen as being based on arbitrary evaluations. Movements to reform law and make it more accessible to persons of lower economic status did not come from working class intellectuals, but from elites who were sympathetic to their plight (Granfield, 1991).

    Upwardly mobile working-class students for one, as well as others, interpret and experience their social class from the perspective of stigma. Since the stigma of being a member of the lower classes is thought to be just, upwardly mobile working-class students frequently construct identities in which they seek to escape the affiliation of lower class. Overcoming this stigma and discrimination is therefore considered an individual rather than a collective effort.

    Researchers have tried to understand the interactive workings of racism and sexism  by comparing the experiences of different gender-race groups. Cyrus (1997) notes for example, that the forms of racism directed at Black women and Black men may differ, and that sexism may be expressed toward and experienced by a woman differently as a function of her race. An examination of gender stereotypes cannot ignore the way race and gender stereotypes interact, or the ways in which different racial groups may differ in the images and ideals they hold for femininity and masculinity (Cyrus, 1997). Cyrus (1997) continues by saying that since people can move between social classes, it is easier to understand group differences if social class is considered a dynamic variable rather than a static category. This perspective allows researchers to recognize that what may appear at first to be racial/sex differences are probably attributable to social class. A person can look to the attribution theory on how these attributions are made.

    Racism and sexism can cloud classism as a separate concept because race, class, and gender are inextricably intertwined (Anderson, 1992). Sexism is still salient, but some people believe sexism is disappearing to casual observers in society. The most dramatic gains in economic status have been for younger women in professional jobs, but the majority of women remain concentrated in gender-segregated occupations with low wages, little opportunity for mobility, and stressful conditions (Anderson, 1992). Anderson (1992) goes on to say "although some people believe that race, gender, and class divisions are relics of the past, they are deeply embedded in the structure of social institutions. In this way, racism and sexism help to maintain discrimination in class. There are class expectations that people develop and it is these expectations or attitudes that intersect with racism and sexism in our society.

    Class, like gender and race, involves both objective and subject dimensions. Objectively, the class system differently structures group access to material resources, including economic, political, and social resources (Anderson, 1992). In addition to giving some groups more privileges than others, class shapes social relationships. The subjective dimensions of class are also evident in the ideology of class. According to Langston (1992) the class system in the United States has been supported by the myth that we live in a classless society. According to this, class is socially constructed and all encompassing. We, the people of society, decide and define what class is and how we will make distinctions. Race and sex are two of the ways we do this.

     Lower socioeconomic status has also been shown to increase the likelihood of gender and occupational stereotyping (Morgisson, 1995). Smith (1995) determined that elementary school students were more likely to have sex role typing depending on nationality. Hispanics were the most likely and Whites were the least likely to have strong sex role stereotyping. Although nationality is not a direct link to socioeconomic status there is a strong correlation between minority heritage and socioeconomic status. Morgison (1995) found that sixth graders’ role attitudes were significantly affected by socioeconomic status and nationality. The lower in socioeconomic status (as measured by free lunches, reduced price lunches, and those who pay full price lunches) the higher the sex role stereotyping tended to be.

    Holmes (1992) found socioeconomic status to be a significant indicator of occupational stereotyping among high school students. Holmes (1992) also found the grade levels of the students to be significant in determining occupational sex role stereotyping. Holmes (1992) suggested that socioeconomic status be examined concurrently with occupational sex role stereotyping and that the grade levels of students should also be examined concurrently with occupational sex role stereotyping.   This transference of stereotypes among those of lower socioeconomic status can inhibit economic upward mobility, since it restricts freedom and choice.

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 References

    Anderson, M. & Collins, H. (1992). Race, class, and gender. California: Wadsworth Publishing Company.

    Cyrus, V. (Ed.) (1997). Experiencing race, class, and gender in the United States. California: Mayfield Publishing Company.

    Granfield, R. (1991). Making it by faking it: working-class students in an elite academic environment. Journal of contemporary ethnography, 20, 331-351.

    Holmes, T. (1992). Occupational sex role stereotyping in secondary students. ED 395 219.

    Langston, D. (1992). Race, class, and gender. California: Wadsworth Publishing Company.

    Morgisson, B.K. (1995).  Occupation sex role stereotyping in sixth grade students.  ED 396 163.

    Smith, D. A. (1995). Occupational sex-role stereotyping in the elementary school. ED 387 727.

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